In this assembly (which is recorded, once more, in Pierucci’s documentary), there was a rather intense debate between the workers, the leaders of the MNER (including Murúa and Resino), and Diego Kravetz. Kravetz tried to argue that the bill of temporary occupancy was going to lose, and that Morando’s bill was going to win the vote (which it ultimately did by 29 votes, a relatively low but sufficient number) but was going to be vetoed. Kravetz told the assembly:
It’s all going to come to nothing, with the difference that we end up with a defeat, which, to me – and this is a personal opinion, there can be other opinions – which is a defeat of our law properly, plus, to me, a very clear victory for a certain political sector, which is macrismo.”
There was then a loud, tense debate, in which Deputy Kravetz started to propose that they had to accept Morando’s bill, because “this law, the only thing it does for me is to gain time. You pretend to sit, you leave, you get up, you fight, nothing more! And it gives you certain coverage.”
In summary, Kravetz proposed that, given that the expropriation did not have the votes to be approved, they had to take the “Morando Law” as a way of gaining time to create another alternative, surely in other areas. “The solution for self-management is going to have to come from somewhere else,” he held. This was not accepted by the workers. Fabio Resino then proposed a vote between accepting Morando’s bill or going down to the legislature to try to pressure the legislators to vote for expropriation. For Fabio, the only advantage was the term of 120 days, but it was a law that “aim(ed) to liquidate self-management, and that must be made clear.”
Unhappy with the situation and the disappointing behavior of their first lawyer, the workers decided to enter the chamber where the legislators were trying to decide their fate. There were struggles, shouts, chants in the chambers, and finally, repression, although the session was unable to continue. But it was a matter of patience, because a few days later, the law could be approved.
In spite of its approval, the so-called “Morando Law” never ended up being applied. Obviously, it was not recognized by the workers, and the commission in the first article –which was to have had 120 days to draft an agreement considering the rights of property invoked by the former owners and the cooperative members’ right to work – never was constituted. However, it persists as a milestone in the struggle for the recovery of the BAUEN, not only for violence with which the police attacked the workers in the legislative session, but for having been the beginning of active collaboration between macrismo and the Iurcoviches.